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 IRAQI GENERAL SAYS MILITARY HAS PENETRATED AL-QAEDA'S SECURITY
 

IRAQI GENERAL SAYS MILITARY HAS PENETRATED AL-QAEDA'S SECURITY. Major General Abd al-Karim Khalaf, who heads the Iraqi Interior Ministry's operations center, has said that Iraqi security forces have penetrated the Al-Qaeda in Iraq organization, state-run Al-Iraqiyah television reported on January 13. Khalaf said Al-Qaeda has become an open book. Meanwhile, awakening-council adviser Abu Azzam al-Tamimi has urged more volunteers to join awakening councils across Iraq, Al-Sharqiyah reported on January 12. The councils were formed in 2007 by Iraqi tribesmen to fight Al-Qaeda. The Iraqi government announced on January 12 that Al-Anbar, the first governorate to form an awakening council, may soon take over responsibility for security from the U.S. military, possibly as early as March. KR
Posted by Dan's Blog at 10:36 AM - No Comments   Add a Comment  
 
 IRAQI PARLIAMENT PASSES REVISED DE-BA'ATHIFICATION LAW
 

IRAQI PARLIAMENT PASSES REVISED DE-BA'ATHIFICATION LAW. The parliament ratified the Accountability and Justice Law on January 12, Iraqi media reported, which will pave the way for Sunnis who lost their jobs following the downfall of the Hussein regime to return to government and military posts. The new law reportedly grants members of the former Ba'ath Party a three-month probation period after which they will be free from prosecution. The law was unanimously passed by the 143 members of 275-member parliament present at the session. Those members of the Ba'ath Party who are wanted on outstanding charges are not covered under the law. "We seek to take judicial action only against the criminals who directly or indirectly committed crimes against the Iraqi people," Shi'ite parliamentarian Abbas al-Bayati told state-run Al-Iraqiyah television. "I think the Accountability and Justice Law has sent a message of national reconciliation." Sunnis have said they are not entirely convinced that the law will eliminate the sectarianism that has come to plague Iraq since 2003. Many Sunnis told the media that they also fear that anyone could file false charges against them out of hatred or racism. KR
Posted by Dan's Blog at 10:35 AM - No Comments   Add a Comment  
 
 Parliamentary Blocs Emerge for New Alliance in Iraq
 

PARLIAMENTARY BLOCS FORM NEW ALLIANCE IN IRAQ. Some 10 parliamentary blocs have announced the formation of a new national alliance that will work to dispense with the sectarian quota system and support national reconciliation, Iraqi media reported on January 13 (see "RFE/RL Newsline," January 7, 2008). The blocs reportedly include the Iraqi National Dialogue Council, led by Khalaf al-Ulayyan; the Iraqi Front for National Dialogue, led by Sunni leader Salih al-Mutlaq; the Iraqi National List, led by Iyad Allawi; the Shi'ite-led Al-Fadilah Party; the Islamic Al-Da'wah Party -- Iraq Organization, led by Ibrahim al-Ja'fari; the Islamic Al-Da'wah Party, headed by Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki; and independent members of the Iraqi Accordance Front (Al-Tawafuq). Al-Sharqiyah television reported that the supporters of Shi'ite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr and a group from the Conference of the Iraqi People, which is led by Adnan al-Dulaymi, are expected to join the alliance at a later date. The London-based "Al-Hayat" reported that the Iraqi Turkoman Front and the Yezidi Progressive Movement also joined the alliance. KR

Posted by Dan's Blog at 10:34 AM - No Comments   Add a Comment  
 
 Student Activist in Iran get 'disciplinary measures' before Elections
 

IRANIAN AUTHORITIES TARGET MORE STUDENT ACTIVISTS AHEAD OF ELECTIONS

By Farangis Najibullah and Mohammad Zarghami

Universities in Tehran and other Iranian cities have reportedly taken "disciplinary measures" against some 60 student activists as part of a crackdown ahead of parliamentary polls in mid-March. Meanwhile, at least 20 leftist students remain in Tehran's Evin prison after being arrested in December during protests on Iranian Student Day.
The punitive measures target around 60 students in several universities in Tehran, Mazandaran, Isfahan, Mashhad, and other cities, but student activists say they won't be cowed and vow to continue protests for democratic change.
Amin-e Nazari, the leader of the Association of Islamic Students in Hamadan University, told Radio Farda that the most recent action involved four members of the association being suspended from the university, while six others have received an official warning. Nazari says the students believe that authorities want to silence outspoken students who are critical the government's policies. "As the [March 14 parliamentary] elections approach, the authorities want the groups who criticize them to stay silent, so that they can arrange an election show with the people," Nazari says.
Salman Yazdanpanah, who calls himself a pro-democracy student, has been temporarily expelled from Tehran University. Yazdanpanah told Radio Farda that the authorities accuse him of insulting university personnel and taking part in unauthorized demonstrations. Yazdanpanah says he has never insulted any university staff. He says he was punished "in connection with our activities at the university, in connection with the materials we wrote in our publication and for participating in demonstrations." "I wrote in my defense that not one university employee ever came and told me, 'Salman has insulted me.' These charges are false," Yazdanpanah says.
The disciplinary measures follow the arrest of at least 20 leftist students in Tehran and other cities in December. Most of them are still in Evin prison's notorious Section 209, where detainees are held in solitary confinement. Section 209 is solely controlled by Iran's Intelligence Ministry, and even Evin authorities are said to have no access to the section.
The security officials have reportedly called them "rebel students" and family members have been told that their children "acted against national security." However, the imprisoned students have not been officially charged. Their parents and relatives have protested the arrests and asked the country's top leaders and the United Nations office in Tehran to help secure their release. And despite promises from judiciary officials, the parents have not been allowed to meet with their arrested children. According to Nasreen Abdullahi Musavi -- whose daughter, Ilnaz, is among those detained -- Evin authorities told parents last week that the imprisoned students "are still being interrogated" and that decisions about their cases will be made "very soon." The leftist students, whose main slogan is "Freedom and Equality," initiated demonstrations at Tehran University in December to mark Student Day. Other groups soon joined, including students from Islamic schools, and the protests spread to other Iranian cities. Several students were arrested in the provinces, but most of them have reportedly been released.
The demonstrators criticized President Mahmud Ahmadinejad's government for cracking down on dissent on campuses and elsewhere, and they called for broader democratic changes -- such as freedom of political and social organizations -- and improved human rights. Amin-e Nazari said the students' activities will continue despite the arrests and punishments by the authorities because "no one is afraid of disciplinary committees and prisons anymore." "After all of those measures, have universities become quieter? Actually, the opposite is true. The university has become more decisive," Nazari says. "As one of my friends said, when they arrest or suspend our classmates, obviously we cannot remain silent." Iranian journalist Iraj Jamsheedi told RFE/RL that the student movements enjoy support among Iranian society "because their demands reflects those of the majority of the Iranian people."

(Farangis Najibullah is an RFE/RL correspondent based in Prague. Mohammad Zarghami is a correspondent for Radio Farda.)

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Posted by Dan's Blog at 10:27 AM - No Comments   Add a Comment  
 
 Big Weddings Bring Afghans Joy, and Debt
 

January 14, 2008
KABUL JOURNAL
Big Weddings Bring Afghans Joy, and Debt

By KIRK SEMPLE
KABUL, Afghanistan — On the afternoon before his wedding day this fall, Hamid was sitting in an empty teahouse worrying a glass of green tea between his fingers, his brow furrowed in concern.

He confessed to feeling a certain anxiety at seeing his bachelor’s independence slipping away. But something else was troubling him, as well: the cost of his wedding.

In Afghanistan, one of the poorest countries in the world, bridegrooms are expected to pay not only for their weddings, but also all the related expenses, including several huge prewedding parties and money for the bride’s family, a kind of reverse dowry.

Hamid, a midlevel bureaucrat in the Afghan government who supports his six-member family on a salary of $7,200 per year, said his bill was going to top $12,000. And by Afghan standards, that would be considered normal, or even a bargain.

“Sometimes it’s difficult to think about it,” said Hamid, 30, who requested that his full name not be published because his employer forbids him to speak to the news media. “It’s a lot of responsibility.”

Extravagant weddings, a mainstay of modern Afghan life and an important measure of social status, were banned by the Taliban, which also outlawed beauty parlors and the instrumental music that is traditional at wedding parties.

But since the Taliban were ousted in 2001, the Afghan wedding industry has rebounded and is now bigger than ever. The growth is reflected in the proliferation of wedding halls, garish palaces of mirrored blue glass and blinking neon lights that glow incongruously among the country’s dusty streets and mud-and-cinder-block homes. The number in Kabul alone has risen to more than 80 today from four in 2001.

This freedom has been a mixed blessing. While bridegrooms and their families are free to have the huge weddings that tradition demands, they are once again left with bills that plunge them into crushing debt.

Moderate guest lists can top 600 people; the biggest exceed 2,000.

The bridegroom is also responsible for jewelry, flowers, two gowns for the bride, two suits for himself, a visit to the beauty salon for the bride and her closest female relatives, as well as a sound system for the wedding, a photographer and a videography team with a pair of cameramen.

All that, plus the dowry, known as the bride price, can run a middle-class Afghan man on average $20,000, dozens of Afghans said in interviews .

Even the poor do not scrimp. A laborer, for instance, making about the average per capita income of $350 per year, may well spend more than $2,000 for his wedding, Afghans say.

Atta Mohammad Noor, the governor of Balkh Province in the north, became so concerned about the spiraling cost of weddings that early last year he issued a nonbinding decree recommending that the province’s wedding halls be used only for the wedding ceremony. All the other wedding-related parties should be held in private homes, he said.

Afghan bridegrooms say tradition and societal pressure leave them with no alternative but expensive weddings in spite of their poverty. Marriage is arguably the most important rite of passage for a young Afghan man, and the luxuriousness of the ceremony reaffirms his family’s status.

“It’s a way to solidify your position in the tribal network,” explained Nasrullah Stanikzai, a lecturer of law and political science at Kabul University.

The growth of the wedding industry has been enabled in part by the fact that more money than ever is in circulation in Afghanistan.

Lavish weddings have even made a comeback in the south, where security concerns are greatest, though in areas where the Taliban have returned, the weddings have been moved back into private homes and have been toned down.

For Hamid, like most Afghans, a small wedding at home was not an option. Afghan custom dictates that all relatives, even distant cousins, be invited, and his house would not have been big enough. Furthermore, Hamid said, his fiancée and her family had expectations.

As with all Afghan weddings, the style and size of Hamid’s wedding was established in consultation between the families. But also following custom, the consultation was mostly a one-way declaration, with the bride’s family setting the terms.

Fortunately, Hamid said, his fiancée’s family has known his family for many years and had a sense of its finances, so her family did not push for everything to be top-of-the-line.

Still, like most Afghan bridegrooms, Hamid had to empty his savings, borrow money and rely on the largess of an uncle. They had all saved in anticipation of the event, much like an American family might prepare years in advance for college tuitions.

“It’s a joint effort,” Hamid said.

After the wedding, he was going to be left with $2,000 in debt, which he expected to pay off within five months.

But it is not so easy for many other young Afghan men.

Said Sharif, a 27-year-old taxi driver who makes about $200 per month, had to borrow $4,000 from relatives to help cover the $15,000 bill for his wedding last fall, as well as for four related parties. He does not expect to pay off his debt for at least two years.

Ask any Afghan man, and he will say that competition among brides is driving wedding expenditures up. Women who were interviewed did not disagree.

“The unfair thing that is going on in Afghanistan is the competition,” said Haidia Paiman, 20, an engineering student at Balkh University in the northern city of Mazar-i-Sharif. “In 70 percent of the cases, the woman’s family puts pressure on the boy to pay a lot of money.” A result, she said, can often be paralyzing debt — and an early, unwelcome visit by the debt collectors to the newlyweds’ new home.

Even some people who are directly profiting from the soaring costs of weddings say enough is enough.

“All these expenses are unnecessary,” bristled Muhammad Haroon Mustafa, owner of the Mustafa Store, which opened 40 years ago and is one of Kabul’s oldest bridal shops. “If I was in the government, I would close all the wedding halls.”

When a visitor to his store pointed out that such a prohibition would probably cut deeply into his business, he quickly retorted, “Yes, but I’m also part of this society.”

In Balkh Province, Governor Atta’s nonbinding decree on the use of wedding halls was greeted with unbridled joy by the young men there.

“It’s a good thing that the governor is trying to bring down the costs because the economic situation is really bad and the people are very poor,” said Ali Sina Hashemi Muhammad, 21, an agriculture student at Balkh University. “A wife is very expensive!”

But according to Mohammad Zaher Khoram, 62, manager of the Kefayat Wedding Club, one of the most grandiose halls in Mazar-i-Sharif, Governor Atta’s order has not been strictly obeyed. “It’s not compulsory,” he said, shrugging.

Hamid’s wedding unfolded at the East Diamond Wedding Hall in Kabul, in two vast banquet rooms, one for the men and the other for the women. Islamic custom dictates that the sexes be separated.

About 600 people attended, in suits and evening dresses, and a five-piece band played loud, rollicking Eastern music. Dinner included sumptuous amounts of beef, rice, vegetables and bread — much more than even the enormous crowd could possibly eat — served on big platters atop the hall’s banquet tables.

Hamid was mostly absent from the men’s side, choosing to spend his time with the women as is the Afghan bridegroom’s right. “I feel very light,” he said, slipping out of the room briefly about halfway through the long night. Dressed in a white suit, he was smiling and seemed happy. “In our country, the wedding is a big problem — until you’re done with it.”

Hamid’s father, a lifetime civil servant who makes $100 a month, also seemed relieved. Minutes earlier he had reached into an inside pocket of his jacket and handed over a stack of well-worn Afghan bills — worth about $3,000 — to the general manager, Hashmat Ullah.

Neither man smiled. Few words were exchanged. It was pure business.

After the transaction, Hamid’s father was joyful, and a little dazed. He was grinning, and his tie was slightly askew.

Asked how it felt to hand over the equivalent of 30 times his monthly salary, he replied: “It was good! I’m extremely happy!” The payment, he explained, allowed the marriage to happen.

“Only a memory is left,” he said. “A memory of happiness.”

Sangar Rahimi contributed reporting.

Copyright 2008 The New York Times Company

Posted by Dan's Blog at 3:57 AM - No Comments   Add a Comment  
 
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