Blogstream   -   Create a Blog!   -   Login Chat   -   Options   -   Clean   -   Flag   -   Family Filter: Off   -   Recent   -   Rndm >>    

Blogstream  >  Politics  >  Blog  >  Page #5
 
Dans Blog

Archive for 200706     ( return to current blog )


 Sectarian Strife Continues at the HIGHEST Levels Of Iraqi Goverment with the Arrest of Sunni Culture Minister
 

June 26, 2007
Iraq Raids Home of Culture Minister, Seeking His Arrest

By RICHARD A. OPPEL Jr.
BAGHDAD, June 26 — Iraqi forces raided the home of Culture Minister Asad al-Hashimi today after an arrest warrant accused him of masterminding the 2005 assassination attempt of a secular Sunni politician who was once a top aide to Ahmed Chalabi.

A government spokesman said the warrant and raid were ordered by an independent judge, but the actions represented the latest difficulty in efforts to reconcile the dominant Shiite and Kurdish factions who control the government with Sunni Arab politicians who believe they are being marginalized and targeted.

The day before, a suicide bomber entered a Baghdad hotel lobby and killed four Sunni tribal sheiks from Anbar Province who were cooperating with American forces fighting Sunni extremists. They had just met with Prime Minister Nuri Kamal al-Maliki to discuss assimilating tribe members into Iraq’s security forces. Today, another Sunni tribal sheik, Hamid Abd Sarhan al-Shijiri, was assassinated in Baghdad.

Mr. Hashimi is a member of the main Sunni political bloc, the Iraqi Consensus Front. The crime he is accused of overseeing occurred in February 2005, when gunmen tried to kill Mithal al-Alusi, the former Chalabi aide, who also had helped lead efforts to bar former members of Saddam Hussein’s Baath Party from serving in high offices.

Mr. Alusi survived the attack, but his two sons were killed. Mr. Alusi, who was driven from Mr. Chalabi’s political organization after making a public visit to Israel, is now a member of Parliament.

The men who carried out the assassination attempt have identified Mr. Hashimi as being behind the attack, Ali Dabbagh, the government spokesman, told Al Arabiya satellite television network. He said the accusations against the minister “were based on the confessions of those people who killed the sons” of Mr. Alusi. “The criminals admitted that Hashimi planned and gave orders to them,” he said.

It was not clear why a warrant for a crime committed more than 28 months old was only being issued now.

Mr. Alusi told Al Arabiyi that there had been recent attempts to kill witnesses who could provide information about the assassination attempt.

Although it is not unusual for authorities to raid the homes of lawmakers, there have been few arrest warrants issued for such high-ranking government officials. A former defense minister, Hazem Shaalan, was charged with corruption two years ago. A deputy health minister was also accused last year of financing Shiite militias.

Mr. Hashimi, the former imam of a Sunni mosque in western Baghdad, was not home for the early morning raid. But the Iraqi forces arrested 42 bodyguards, said a spokesman for his party, Muhanad al-Essawi, who condemned the raid and arrest warrant and accused the government of trumping up the charges.

“We think this whole thing is a setup,” Mr. Essawi said, adding that it was part of a pattern of attempts by the Shiite-dominated government to discredit Sunni leaders.

He also noted that the assassination attempt took place over two years ago when Mr. Hashimi was an imam and questioned why the police would arrest bodyguards who did not work for Mr. Hashimi at that time.

Abdul Razzaq al-Saiedi and Qais Mizher contributed reporting.
Posted by Dan's Blog at 3:18 PM - No Comments   Add a Comment  
 
 Culture in Iraq Beyond Saddam's Regime
 

Culture in Post-Saddam Iraq

by Nimrod Raphaeli
Middle East Quarterly
Summer 2007
http://www.meforum.org/article/1707

The culture of a nation embodies its institutions, values, and norms of behavior rooted in history and collective memory. As U.S. and coalition forces work to stabilize Iraq and transform Iraqi society, the nature of Iraqi identity and culture becomes relevant not only to anthropologists and archaeologists but also to policymakers and military officers. While violence might appear to predominate on the television news and in newspapers, beneath the surface there is a vibrant culture struggling to reassert itself.

If asked about their culture, many Iraqis will recall their country's role as "the cradle of civilizations" and claim descent from Sumerians, Babylonians, and Assyrians. Today, many television commercials and billboards in Baghdad make reference to Iraq's ancient heritage. But modern Iraqi culture is also marked by tribalism and violence. On October 29, 1936, Iraqi general Bakr Sidqi led the first military coup in the Middle East. He was assassinated less than a year later. While military coups became frequent in Middle Eastern states, Iraq set another first when, on July 14, 1958, it became the scene of the first Middle Eastern coup to culminate in the execution of the head of state. Another coup led to the execution of General ‘Abd al-Karim Qasim, the 1958 coup leader. Several other leaders subsequently died under suspicious circumstances. After a short-lived 1963 attempt to seize power, the Baath party tried again and consolidated control after a 1968 coup. In 1979, vice president Saddam Hussein deposed the president, General Ahmad Hassan al-Bakr, who subsequently died from apparent poisoning.Very few Iraqi leaders die of natural causes.

The distinguished Iraqi historian and sociologist ‘Ali al-Wardi argues that Bedouin culture formed the bedrock of Iraqi society. Characterizing Bedouin culture, he writes, are three elements: tribalism, raiding, and chivalry. Each of these elements is defined by the concept of taghalub (predominance). The Bedouin individual seeks to persuade by the force of his tribe, his personal strength, and his sense of superiority. Because of a lack of rules to adjudicate conflict, Bedouins use force to avenge transgressions. This, Wardi argues, explains why there is near permanent war in Bedouin society. "War in the desert is the reality; peace is a fleeting phenomenon," he writes.[1]

Writing in Al-Jandul, a monthly Iraqi literary magazine, Hamid al-Hashimi, a professor of sociology at the Europe University in Schiedam, the Netherlands, seconds such theories.[2] Ahmad al-Asadi, a poet born in 1979, also examined the same question. He suggests that Iraqi society is experiencing "an intellectual crisis in terms of structures and the relationship between the individual, the society, and the government" and argues that a tribal mentality dominates. "It is true that we have shifted from a nomadic to an urban lifestyle and from the village to the city, but we [continue] to carry in our minds the rustic and nomadic values," he writes.[3]

Cultural Life under Saddam

Iraqi president Saddam Hussein glorified violence in his efforts to shape Iraqi culture and society. He embraced a curriculum which required high school students to memorize a speech delivered by the seventh-century governor of Iraq, Al-Hajjaj bin Yusuf ath-Thaqafi, to dignitaries of Kufa, then the most important city in Iraq. In 694 C.E., Thaqafi warned:

Oh, People of Iraq, Oh, People of Hypocrisy
My name is Al-Hajjaj bin Yusuf ath-Thaqafi. When I take off my turban, you will know me
I see heads that have ripened and need to be harvested, and I shall harvest them.

Saddam adopted a model of power which glorified terror. On television, he hugged a father who killed his own son for disloyalty to the president. He politicized culture; the regime suppressed any expression of human creativity not in conformity with the dogmatic and often capricious nature of the regime. Those who violated such prescriptions could pay with their lives. Baathist loyalists oversaw all cultural endeavors. A half-year after the collapse of Saddam Hussein's regime, Sayyar al-Jamil reflected in Az-Zaman, a major Iraqi daily, about how decades of strict control had affected Iraqi culture. He wrote that the centralization of cultural life had "produced chauvinistic enclosure and official, parrot-like dogmatic culture cast in molds prepared in advance in accordance with preordained specifications." As a result, authentic Iraqi intellectuals, novelists, poets, and artists found themselves marginalized for almost four decades. Instead, state-crafted culture bombarded the Iraqi masses with "meager portions of defunct culture, fabricated propaganda, fiery hero-worshiping poems, fancy carnivals and political gatherings in the service of the dictates of the president and the political party."[4] This, in a nutshell, justifies the thesis of Kanan Makiya's The Monument: Art and Vulgarity in Saddam Hussein's Iraq. First published in 1991, Makiya's book depicts Saddam's efforts to link himself with such heroic figures of Islam as fourth Caliph ‘Ali bin Abi Talib, his son Hussein, whose murder in the seventh century precipitated the schism between Sunni and the Shi‘a, and Sa‘d bin Abi Waqqas, an early Arab warrior who brought Islam to Iran.[5]

U.N. sanctions during Saddam's rule also had an impact on Iraqi cultural life, albeit in mundane ways. The sanctions, in practice if not intent, contributed to a shortage of printing material. Before the U.N. sanctions, Iraq imported 100,000 tons of paper per year, but under sanctions, this declined 90 percent.[6] Political isolation and the Iraqi government's own regulations narrowed the ability of Iraqi writers, journalists, and artists to attend meetings outside their country. Those who did leave often did not return. This led to a bifurcation of culture: There was the thaqafat al-kharij (culture of exile) and the thaqafat ad-dakhil (domestic culture). While a sense of Iraqness permeated both cultures, over time, the culture of exile became richer and more critical.

Historically, Iraqis have considered poetry to be superior to playwriting or other literature. This balance reflects a legacy of a tribal tradition that favored spontaneity and public recitation. Often, praise of the ruler was the best way to gain financial rewards. The Saddam regime paid court poets to praise Saddam as a leader who epitomized glory, heroism, generosity, magnanimity, and even prophetic perception of the future.

Saddam's military acumen became a central theme for the home culture. The Iraqi press called the Iran-Iraq war Al-Qadisiya or Qadisiyat Saddam, a reference to the battle in which the Arabs defeated the Persian Empire to Islamize Iran. The Iraqi press used the term umm al-ma‘arik (mother of all battles) to designate the heroic stand of Saddam's army against the multinational coalition which expelled Iraqi forces from Kuwait in 1991. It referred to the 2003 war as umm al-hawasum (the mother of decisiveness). All battles became epic, and even defeat became victory.

Cultural Themes after Saddam

‘Abbas al-Harbi, an Iraqi playwright whose 1997 play The Renaissance (Al-Nahda) forced his exile from Iraq to Australia, likened the Saddam regime to "an ideological hammer that struck over the head of the Iraqi creativity."[7] Its April 2003 collapse enabled a burst of creativity. Despite the violence, many intellectuals emerged from hiding. Others, who had kept silent for decades for political, ethnic, or sectarian reasons began to express themselves openly.

Poetry dropped the great leader but has remained preoccupied with violence and loss. The literary journal Al-Yanbu' (Fountainhead) included on its front page an anonymous poem entitled "Ayna Aktib Ismiki (Where shall I write your name?)." It reads:

I wrote the letters of your name in the sand, and they were washed away by the rain.
And I wrote them on the roads, and they were wiped away by feet.
And I wrote them in the air, and they were blown away by the wind.
And then I wrote them on people's faces, and they were lost to me.
I wrote them as tunes, and they flew away from me.
And again I wrote them in days, but the years erased them.
Shall I write it in the depths so it shall continue to pulse through the veins?
I wonder: Where shall I write your name? [8]

In "Al-Ilah Tamuz (The God July)," ‘Uthman Faris laments dead "bodies over bodies" and writes that Baghdad

is burning, garbage in the streets, corpses are strewn over dunghills, everything is covered black; Baghdad one of the most beautiful of cities is eaten by wolves and snakes; July! Extricate me from my coffin and my shroud; Baghdad is stained with blood and tears, and I shall be traveling and continuing to travel in the forests of snakes.[9]

The focus on poetry as the primary medium of cultural expression is not without drawback. In an editorial in the same issue of Al-Yanbu', Sunur Anwar invokes the words of Wardi, who writes that the emphasis upon poetry prevents many Iraqis from interpreting events rationally.[10] As Wardi explains, "from its early days, Arabic poetry does not reflect the truth in portraying events." When using poetic devices, there is no embarrassment or shame if untruthful.[11]

Escalating violence has led to introspection among intellectuals. Salah Hasan al-Silawi, who describes himself as a poet and media specialist, wrote in the government daily As-Sabah that violence characterizes the Iraqi personality and that "no one Iraqi differs from another Iraqi except in the amount of violence that characterizes his behavior."[12]

An entire issue of the illustrated weekly Ash-Shabaka al-Iraqiya (The Iraqi network) focuses on death and violence. It included a tongue-in-cheek treatment of the epidemic of child-kidnapping. It described the sniffers (fallas) who pass along word of acquaintances with money and the intermediaries who volunteer to mediate "out of the love of Allah." In one case, the intermediary demanded and received in return for his "services" a computer to help him with studies in a religious school.[13] The same issue also carried an article about the 1,000-year-old cemetery in Najaf, and another about the phenomenon of exhumation to prove to mothers who dreamed their dead sons were alive that their sons "had a full measure of death (shaba'u mawtan)."[14]

Amidst the freest period in Iraq's cultural history, there is growing disenchantment and frustration with the failure of the Iraqi government and multinational coalition to bring security. Democratic aspirations are increasingly depicted as lofty ideals written in blood. Jabbar Yassin likens Iraq to "a wounded hedgehog on the way to the forest of palms." He describes life as a mixture of "helmets [made] of armored steel resembling flying turtles, decorated Humvees as snorting metal dinosaurs, burned out palm trunks hiding damaged armored vehicles and a herd of goats. No mirrors are to be found there except the shell of sands afraid of the storm." As he comes to the end of the road, the author is searching in vain for "the women of the quarter to ululate in these bloody weddings."[15]

Violence has also become a predominant theme in recent Iraqi theater. Rasul al-Saghir, an Iraqi residing in the Netherlands, published "An Eye on the Iraqi Theater—The Writing of Beautiful Pages in a Difficult Time" in the online literary magazine Alefyaa.com.[16] His essay analyzes the history and difficulties of establishing theater in Iraq. For forty years, Saghir writes, theater served only a small group of high-ranking people. The Saddam regime used it only to mobilize and direct the masses to ensure loyalty to the leader. In the post-Saddam era, though, theater is beginning to deal with people's struggle for a better life and more open and democratic society.

Take, for example, Mithal Ghaza'i's Al-Yawm ba‘d as-Sabi‘ (The day after the seventh). Produced under the auspices of the Ministry of Culture's Department for Cinema and Theater and performed by some of Iraq's leading actors such as Sami ‘Abd al-Hamid, Layla Muhammad, and Faysal Jawad, the play depicts an Iraqi man who participated in Saddam's wars and emerged unscathed only to discover that he has cancer and has seven days to live. His struggle to accept his fate becomes a metaphor for Iraq's own situation. Ghaza'i promotes the idea that the country should rebuild itself on sound foundations before seeking to expel occupiers.[17]

In the National Theater, the National Acting Group staged Qadim al-Sumari's Madha Law (What if?). The play examines war—not just as a killing field but as the antithesis of poetry. The poet is the hero not because of his creative output but because poetry represents the elevation of the spirit and resounding hope. Sumari explained that his work sought to illustrate the "conflict between the tendency for destruction represented by wars and the aspiration for life and construction represented by the poet."[18]

The assassination in Iraq of Al-Arabiya satellite television reporter Atwar Bahjat on February 24, 2006, is the subject of ‘Ayn al-Haqiqa (Eye of the truth). A student at the Institute for Fine Arts for Girls in Baghdad played the lead role, and the dialogue throughout is written in verse rather than prose.[19]

The Youth Education Department in the Ministry of Culture is also active in staging plays for a juvenile audience. Its first festival was held in Baghdad on April 2, 2006. But, the violence that permeates culture is not just depicted on stage: Assassins gunned down two lead actors in youth performances, Fu'ad Radi and Haydar Jawad.[20]

Such violence is changing Iraqi cultural life in other ways. Because of debilitating heat during the day, Iraqis' social lives have always centered around night. Iraqis would socialize, shop, and patronize restaurants and cabarets well past midnight and into the early hours of morning. Iraqis from all economic classes would gather along the Tigris River to enjoy masguf, a fresh broiled fish dish, which is one of Iraq's great delicacies. Because of curfews and security fears, now all social activity, from weddings to funerals, and shopping to cultural events, takes place during the day.[21]

Religiosity and Secularism

From Najaf, as well as other Shi‘i centers such as Karbala, Kufa, and Kadhimiya, has also arisen a revival in Husseini poetry, a traditional genre commemorating the martyrdom of Imam Hussein. One recent example reads:

Your voice is the lamp to the Almighty's skies
Your voice is a covenant of love
Your voice from the dawn of history calls
Is there a champion who will lead
The ship of my beloveds to the Judi [a holy mountain in Iraq]
Your voice will not be drowned in the well.[22]

Divergent themes are also found in the publishing boom that accompanied Saddam's fall. Several journals focus on women and family. As-Sadiqa (The virtuous woman), published in Najaf, provides a strong Shi‘i treatment to feminism, something that Saddam's state did not tolerate. In one recent edition, Fatima Rahim Nasir reminds women that the veil protects chastity and honor. Those who say that God ordained it as punishment, she writes, have "sick minds." In another article, Kufa University Law School scholar Ghufran Dikan Abbas suggests women can prevent having deformed children if they follow "the culture of marriage (thaqafat al-zawaj)" dictated by the Prophet and by later imams. The author advises the groom that, before marriage is consummated, he should ask God to bless the union and protect it from the devil's intervention. He repeats the advice given by the Prophet to his son-in-law, Imam ‘Ali bin Abi Talib, instructing that no man should look at his wife's vagina or else risk a blind son. Sex during the afternoon is dangerous for it risks conceiving a cross-eyed child. In contrast, a son conceived on a Friday night is likely to be an orator, and a son conceived on Friday evening may become famous.[23]

Not all publishing reflects religious revival. The Iraqi Independent Women's Assembly published An-Nun, which derives its title from the first letter of the Arabic word for women. Edited by Maysalun al-Damluji, the journal focuses on the improvement of women's lives in Iraq. It interviews not only mothers who have lost their children under Saddam but also those who have lost family members to the current violence and terrorism.[24] Munathamat Bint ar-Rafidayn (The Organization of the Daughters of Mesopotamia) also publishes a journal to enable women to express themselves "without pressures or restrictions." It encourages female participation in the social, cultural, and political domains in order to hasten democratic transformation and expansion of free civil society.[25]

The mainstream press has also begun to address woman's place in society. Writing in Az-Zaman, writer and poet Muhammad Jawad al-Ghabban condemns "the severe restrictions and the harsh traditions" that have, for centuries, enabled the domination of women from birth to death.[26]

Yet, not all the recent journals promote introspection and accountability. The Ministry of Culture's Ash-Shabaka al-Iraqiya journal carries a piece entitled, "Fattish ‘an al-Yahud (Look for the Jews)," which suggests Jews were behind the Danish cartoon controversy, the Taliban destruction of the Bamian Buddha statues, and the bombing of the Al-Askari shrine in Samarra in February 2006. The article's author, Nasir al-Zubayri, urges patience, wisdom, and faith to avoid further bloodshed and concludes with the statement, "May Allah bless the one who said ‘look for the Jews.'"[27] Such anti-Semitism, ironically, might have long been common in Syrian, Egyptian, and Saudi publications, but Iraqi journals, even under Saddam, took greater pains to differentiate between hatred of Zionism and hatred of Jews.

The Iraqi poet ‘Adnan al-Sa'igh addressed the broader notion of intolerance at the Al-Marbad festival in Basra. For centuries Arabs considered Al-Marbad, with its roots as a camel and livestock market, as a place for Muslims and non-Muslims alike to gather, talk, and do business. At the festival, Sa'igh recited his poem "Shizofrania (Schizophrenia)," which addressed the problem of religious militias whose tolerance for liberal and secular culture goes no further than the muzzle of their gun:

In my homeland / Fear binds me and divides:
A man writes / And the other, behind the curtain of my window
Observes me / Or
My God / Is one / Not Catholic / Not Protestant / Not Sunni / Not Shi‘i.

After reciting his poem, he was chased from the meeting and threatened with death.[28]

Amidst rising religiosity in Iraq, there are renewed calls for a return to Iraqi traditions of secularism and tolerance. The May 2006 issue of the liberal electronic magazine Afkar (Thoughts) carries an article by ‘Abd al-Khaliq Husayn, a retired Iraqi surgeon and a prolific liberal writer who now lives in England. In a recent article, he writes:

Arab liberals are engaged in a ferocious intellectual battle against backwardness, deception, salafi tide, and the tyranny of political Islam. In the course of their struggle they [Arab liberals] face harassment, siege, banishment, and even physical liquidation by Islamist forces [acting] together with the despotic governments … Despotic Arab governments are responsible for the spread of extremist Islam.[29]

‘Abd al-Khaliq compares those Arab governments that seek to undermine the nascent Iraqi democracy to the case of a seagoing ship with 100 sailors aboard, 99 of whom belong to one tribe and the hundredth belonging to a hostile tribe. The 99 sailors pray to God for the sinking of the ship so that the sailor from the hostile tribe will perish.

Cinema, Television, and Art

While still important, even at the best of times, the reach of theater is limited. Cinema is far more accessible. Historically, Iraqis watched Egyptian or Hollywood films. Especially popular were subtitled action films. Since Saddam's fall, security concerns, irregular electricity, and Islamist pressures against most forms of entertainment have led to movie theaters closing throughout Iraq. In the words of a former cinema operator, cinemas have become "merely history and memories."[30]

Still, there are efforts to revive cinema. In an event, characterized as "an escape from a dark reality to the ‘Belle Epoch Cinema,'" a small group of cinema lovers and government officials celebrated what they termed "the First Festival of Iraqi Movies," featuring clips from old Iraqi-made films. Of the ninety-nine films produced in Iraq, chaos and post-Operation Iraqi Freedom looting destroyed twelve. Several others were damaged. Among the surviving films, however, was Iraq's first, Fitna wa-Husn (Charm and beauty). Juxtaposition of Iraq today with this film shows how society has changed with time: The film's three producers were a Muslim, a Christian, and a Jew.[31]

The comparison of the golden past with the present underscores other unfortunate themes in Iraqi society. Birhan Shawi, an Iraqi writer, worries that while "the political idols" have fallen with Saddam, the "cultural idols remain like ghosts threatening our souls and our brains, and leaving their shadow on our creativity and our thinking." He bemoans that Iraqi television stations are largely tied to or financed by political parties or foreign countries. He describes channel surfing these stations as providing a "historical exhibition of Iraqi mummies."[32]

Cartooning is another art in which Iraqis have excelled. In January 2006, the Association of Cartoonists organized the first comprehensive exhibition in post-Saddam Iraq. Twenty-five participants exhibited 100 cartoons. They drew upon "human thoughts distilled from the daily reality" of Iraq, including current events and circumstances, violence, and government corruption.[33]

Iraq has long honored and supported its artists, but today it is difficult for any to make a living unless they have an opportunity to exhibit outside their country. The Pomegranate Gallery in New York City held one such exhibition for nine Iraqi artists in June 2006. Their statements accompanied their works.

Artist Haydar ‘Ali reflects upon the looting of the Iraqi cultural artifacts. His painting Dafatir (Notebooks), he explains, represents "part of my mourning for the National Library of Iraq, which was assassinated by the hands of the Mongols, uncontrollable mobs, and terrorists. My notebooks are witnesses to a period of catastrophe that has driven nails into the body of our culture and our civilization's achievements." Dafatir also had practical significance. Because there was a shortage of paint and canvas under Saddam, many artists could only sketch in notebooks. One Iraqi artist explained that every notebook page was "a loud cry which combines the pain, the anger, the plea, the obscene cruelty, the noble meditation, and the objection to destruction that the human condition has seen its end."[34]

Despite the security threats, there have been some exhibitions in Iraq. The Ministry of Culture sponsored a Baghdad exhibit of calligraphy and Islamic ornamental works, May 2-10, 2006. Calligraphy is one of the most significant forms of Islamic art,[35] and it is reflected not only in the printing of the Qur'an but also in mosques, monuments, buildings, carpets, and various works of arts. In the media, the logo of Al-Jazeera satellite television, shaped as a ball, is a good example of beautiful calligraphy. The Iraqi Fashion House also exhibited fabrics and clothes that offered a presentation of Islamic fashion items decorated with Arabic calligraphy.[36]

One Iraqi to gain prominence with recent exhibits is Munir Ahmad, who displayed his work in the southern city of Nasiriya. Because Nasiriya has been somewhat stable, it has become a relative haven for artists, including Kadhim al-Khattat, Nasir al-Siba‘i, Kamil al-Musawi, Talal ‘Abd, and Husayn al-Shannun. The art in Nasiriya is influenced by Sumerian art and by the existence of the nearby marshes with their vast vistas, birds, and forests of reeds.[37]

The Ministry of Culture also organized "Aspirations for Peace," an exhibition of photographs in the ministry's Wasiti Hall, which featured the works of Iraq's three foremost photographers: Sa‘d Nu‘ma, Ahmad ‘Abdullah, and ‘Abbas al-Wandi. Their photographs of various aspects of Iraqi life represented the Iraqis' love of life despite "the political challenges that are striking at this faithful land."[38]

Conclusions

Iraqi culture presents a paradox: On the one hand, it lays claim to the achievements of great civilizations while, on the other hand, modern Iraqi history is marked by violence, war, and discord.

Perhaps Wardi's explanation is best: Iraqi culture is essentially a Bedouin culture that regards peace as temporary but conflict as permanent. ‘Abd al-Khaliq Husayn has accepted that Iraqis are "a people of discord and duplicity," differing from other peoples in their propensity to excessive violence.[39] Regrettably, much of this violence is apparent today but has been channeled by Islamist elements toward intellectuals and cultural figures.

Nevertheless, despite the violence and thirty-five years of totalitarian Baathist rule, Iraqi artists, poets, and writers continue to produce a full measure of artistic work both inside and outside Iraq. The struggle for cultural survival remains, perhaps, as intensive as the violence directed against it. And one can hope that the Iraqis' pride in their cultural heritage will prevail over attempts to obliterate it.

Nimrod Raphaeli is a senior analyst at the Middle East Media Research Institute.

[1] ‘Ali al-Wardi, Lamahat Ijtima'yyay Fi Tarikh al-Iraq al-Hadith [Social Glimpses in Modern Iraqi History] (Beirut: Dar Ar-Rashed, 2005), pp. 18-20.
[2] Al-Jandul (Al-Qadisiya), Aug. 2004.
[3] Al-Ghad (Baghdad), Mar. 6, 2006.
[4] Az-Zaman (Baghdad), Oct. 13, 2003.
[5] Kanan Makiya, The Monument: Art and Vulgarity in Saddam Hussein's Iraq (New York: I.B. Tauris, 1991).
[6] Nada Omran, "Al-Mashhad ath-Thaqafi fi al-Iraq-dhid al-Hisar," Islam Online, Oct. 12, 2001, as provided by e-mail from sources in Baghdad.
[7] Alefyaa.com, June 16, 2006.
[8] Al-Yanbu' (Baghdad), Mar. 15, 2006.
[9] Alefyaa.com, June 6, 2006.
[10] Sunur Anwar, "Al-Hiwar bayna al-Infitah wa-Altanazul [The Dialogue between Openness and Concession]," Al-Yanbu', Mar. 15, 2006.
[11] Wardi, Lamahat Ijtima'yyay fi Tarikh al-Iraq al-Hadith, pp. 321-5.
[12] As-Sabah (Baghdad), Aug. 29, 2006.
[13] Ash-Shabaka al-Iraqiya (Baghdad), Feb. 20, 2006.
[14] Ash-Shabaka al-Iraqiya, Feb. 20, 2006.
[15] Al-Hayat (London), Mar. 28, 2006.
[16] July 21, 2006.
[17] Al-Mada (Baghdad), Feb. 5, 2006.
[18] Al-Mada, Jan. 28, Feb. 19, 2006.
[19] Al-Mada, Mar. 19, 2006.
[20] Al-Mada, Mar. 30, 2006.
[21] Asharq al-Awsat (London), Aug. 4, 2006
[22] Al-Kauthar (Najaf), Ahl al-Beit Foundation, Jan. 2006.
[23] As-Sadiqa (Najaf), Feb. 2006.
[24] An-Nun (Baghdad), Feb. 2006.
[25] Munathamat Bint ar-Rafidain, at http://www.bentalrafedain.com/meen/nashtat/nashat051.htm.
[26] Az-Zaman, June 9, 2006.
[27] Ash-Shabaka al-Iraqiya, Mar. 13, 2006.
[28] Abdul Razzaq al-Rubai'i, Kitabat, Apr. 21, 2006.
[29] Afkar, May 4, 2006.
[30] Shakir al-Anbari, Al-Hayat, Feb. 20, 2006.
[31] Asharq Al-Awsat, July 4, 2006.
[32] Burhan Shawi, Fi Mulabasat ath-Thaqafa al-Iraqiya—Al-Asnam as-Siyasiya Wa al-Asnam Althqafiya, as provided by e-mail from sources in Baghdad. There is no date or publisher provided, but it is clearly written after the March-April 2003 invasion.
[33] Al-Mada, Jan. 21, 2006.
[34] Al-Hayat, June 23, 2006.
[35] Annemarie Schimmel, Calligraphy and Islamic Culture (New York: New York University Press, 1984).
[36] Ministry of Culture, Republic of Iraq, news release, May 3, 2006.
[37] Al-Mada, May 3, 2006.
[38] Al-Mada, Feb. 1, 2006.
[39] Abdul Khaliq Husayn, Al-kharab al-bashari fil-Iraq [The Human Devastation in Iraq], a series of three articles published in Elaph, May 29, 2006.
Posted by Dan's Blog at 12:20 PM - No Comments   Add a Comment  
 
 Michael Moore's SICK-OUT
 

Sick-Out
By Jacob Laksin
FrontPageMagazine.com | June 26, 2007
Ask Americans what they think about health care and you’re bound to get conflicting answers. On the one hand, polls show that the country is broadly dissatisfied with the cost and administration of the current system and find qualified support for universal health insurance. On the other hand, Americans overwhelmingly reject the reduced choice in doctors and treatments, as well as the waiting lists and rationed care that are the attendant features of the socialized “universal” model. There is, it seems, no simple cure for the system’s ills.
Step forward Michael Moore. In each succeeding venture, Hollywood’s favorite guerilla documentarian has managed to reduce politically fraught issues like gun ownership (Bowling for Columbine), and the war on terror (Fahrenheit 911) to intellectually shallow agitprop that revels in naming enemies -- it’s the NRA’s fault!; it’s the Bush administration’s fault! -- while offering little in the way of substantive argument. As entertainment, Moore’s films are watchable; as political commentary, they are often execrable (recall the kite-flying children in supposedly serene Saddam-era Iraq from Fahrenheit).

Sicko follows this familiar script. Rather than confront the complexities of the healthcare debate, the film settles on a culprit -- it’s the insurance companies’ fault! -- and presents a simplistic, mendacious and deeply disingenuous paean to government-run healthcare.

Emotional exploitation is Moore’s specialty. In Sicko the effect is achieved by presenting human-interest stories devoid of any context or mitigating factual evidence. Sympathy, not the hard work of reasoning through the merits of what a government-run system would entail, is required of the viewer.

Accordingly, we meet a husband and wife -- he with serial heart problems, she a recovering cancer patient -- forced to move in with their children after being bankrupted by medical co-pays. Following them is an inspiringly good-natured gentleman who recounts his Hobson’s choice of being forced to decide between reattaching his ring finger for $12,000 or his middle finger for $60,000 after accidentally loosing them to a table saw. (A romantic at heart, Moore informs us, he chooses the ring finger.) And there is the tearful widow who blames an insurance company for denying her late husband a possibly life-saving bone-marrow transplant. It would take a stone-hearted misanthrope to remain unmoved by this cast of unfortunates.

Never an enemy of excess, Moore has more. Lest anyone doubt the unmitigated evil of the insurance companies, Moore parades before the camera several former medical screeners eager to expiate for their sin of denying the claims of patients seeking coverage. One reveals with unconcealed horror that the intent of these companies is “to maximize profit,” and insists that he has to “atone for that mess.” For good measure, Moore deadpans that insurance companies make “obscene profits.”

What have we learned from all this? Very little, save that medical care is often disconcertingly expensive and that insurance companies, in common with all businesses everywhere, need to make money. Yet, unless we are predisposed to agree with him, we are no more convinced of Moore’s claim that what the country urgently needs is single-payer health care. After all, that would simply shift the burden of providing coverage from private companies to the government. And who can credibly say that government bureaucrats will succeed where businesses struggle?

Moore’s answer: Canada can. Turning his lens on the national healthcare system of our northern neighbors, as well as the government-run systems in Britain and France, Moore suggests that the healthcare they provide is “free,” efficient and effective. Not only that but these systems actually increase longevity: “It turns out that Canadians live three years longer than we do,” Moore cheerfully reports. Who can argue with that? As it happens, many. For in his extended advertisement for government-provided insurance, Moore leaves lacunas large enough to drive an ambulance through.

Consider Canada. Moore deflects a popular knock against the Canadian system -- long waiting times for elective surgery -- as so much political propaganda. But that fails to explain why thousands of Canadians, wait-listed for surgical procedures, every year check into American hospitals to get the care they need. Just last week, the president of the Canadian Medical Association blasted the country’s political leaders as hypocrites for publicly singing the praises of the government system while seeking care in private medical clinics. The “public system needs the support of the private sector,” he concluded. As for life expectancy, medical experts agree that this is less a testament to the success of universal health care than a measure of external factors -- such as rates of violent crime, poverty, obesity, and drug use -- disconnected from specific healthcare systems.

Equally unconvincing is Moore’s celebration of the British National Heath Service. Affecting a faux-naiveté, Moore marches about London’s Hammersmith Hospital, where he earns puzzled looks from patients by asking them where they go to pay for their health care. At last locating a cashier in the hospital, Moore discovers that its purpose is not to charge patients but to reimburse them for transportation home. It’s all free, don’t you see?

Only it isn’t. Contra Moore, there really is no such thing as a free lunch -- or free healthcare. Lack of funds, in fact, is a central reason why the National Health Service is annually mired in debt. A 2006 audit, for instance, conservatively estimated that the system had a nearly $700 million budget deficit. Most inconveniently for Moore, the single largest deficit was posted by none other Hammersmith Hospital. Additional blunders abound. Moore makes much of a British doctor whose Audi sedan and million-dollar salary he considers proof that government healthcare is no less rewarding than a private alternative. But the inconvenient truth is that the NHS has a notoriously difficult time attracting doctors, who prefer private practice to an ill-recompensed post in the government system. It turns out that a “free” system doesn’t come cheap.

France’s system is widely considered among Europe’s best, but it too suffers from structural flaws. Except in Moore’s world, where Americans are urged to worship at the altar of French health care. In an unintentionally comic moment, Moore interviews an American expatriate who raves not only about the health care but the local culture. By way of example, she points to street demonstrations in France, speculating that these aren’t seen in the US because Americans are too cowed by their government to rise in protest. Of course, an alternative explanation might be that living in a country whose economy vastly outperforms those of its European counterparts does not inspire one to take to the streets. Meanwhile, not a few of those demonstrations are borne of the fact that many Frenchmen, in contrast to a credulous filmmaker, see real problems in their system. Ultimately, the notion that Americans must immediately adopt the French model is about as convincing as the bloated filmmaker’s assurance that he is ready to give up “freedom fries.”

Having spent much of Sicko mocking those who see universal healthcare coverage as a form of socialized medicine, Moore chooses to end his film on a curious note: with a good-will trip to communist Cuba. (It has hardly silenced objections to Moore’s far-Left agenda that he has relied on health care workers outfitted in red scrubs to promote Sicko.) Along for the trip, Moore packs the standard set of regime-issued talking points. Gushing over Cuba's health care system, Moore praises the country’s generosity in sending doctors abroad to care for the sick. Characteristically, Moore omits to mention that these doctors often travel under strict security due to their repeated tendency to defect upon leaving Cuban soil. To underscore the alleged glories of Cuba’s system, we get Aleida Guevara, daughter of the revolutionary-turned-mass-murder, lecturing that the United States can’t care for its citizens. Moore swallows it whole. “What’s our problem?” he demands of Americans.

A compelling case could be made that “our problem” is Michael Moore. Given the seriousness of the issue, one thing the healthcare debate does not need is political hucksters selling radical cure-alls. That doesn’t mean the current system can’t be bettered. It just means that Moore’s prescription in Sicko would make it infinitely worse.
Posted by Dan's Blog at 11:33 AM - No Comments   Add a Comment  
 
 Iran at War with US in IRaq...bombs Away
 

Iran bombers attack Our Boys


RELATED STORIES
• Mass-kill brute Ali to hang
• Twin sees hero bruv die in Iraq

By TOM NEWTON DUNN
Defence Editor

June 26, 2007

IRANIAN forces are being choppered over the Iraqi border to bomb Our Boys, intelligence chiefs say.
Military experts claim this worrying move means we are at WAR with Iran in all but name.

Last night an intelligence source told The Sun: “It is an extremely alarming development and raises the stakes considerably. In effect, it means we are in a full on war with Iran — but nobody has officially declared it.

“We have hard proof that the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps have crossed the border to attack us.

“It is very hard for us to strike back. All we can do is try to defend ourselves. We are badly on the back foot.”

Our Boys picked up the Iranian helicopters on radar crossing into empty desert.

The sightings have been confirmed to The Sun by very senior military sources.

At least two Brit squaddies are thought to have been killed by bombs planted during these incursions into Maysan province — Corporal Ben Leaning, 24, and Trooper Kristen Turton, 27.

A further 44 British deaths have also been linked to the highly advanced bombs, rockets and mortars which originated in Iran.

Coming so swiftly after the kidnap of 15 Royal Navy sailors in the Gulf, our revelation will send strained relations between London and Tehran plummeting further.

Until now, secret units from Iran’s fanatical RGC have restricted themselves to just training and arming Shia rebels in Iraq.

They include the al Quds Brigade — a secretive force tasked to spread Islamic revolution abroad who are the main backers for Hezbollah terrorists in Lebanon and are also active in Palestine and northern Iraq.

An MoD spokeswoman said: “There is evidence that explosive devices used against our troops in southern Iraq originated in Iran.

“Any Iranian link to armed militias in Iraq either through weapons supply, training or funding are unacceptable.
Posted by Dan's Blog at 11:30 AM - No Comments   Add a Comment  
 
 Count
 



May 23: 2954

June 12 3195 11:45 p
June 13 3210 10:30p
June 14 3228 7:30p
June 15 3238
June 16 3249 11:45p
June 18 3274 8 a.m.
June 18 3288 10p.m
June 20 3350 11p.m
June 22 3371 8 a.m.
June 23 3381 10 a.m.
June 24 3408 10 p.m
June 26 3435 8 a,m.
Posted by Dan's Blog at 11:11 AM - No Comments   Add a Comment  
 
Pages:   1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 132 133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 143 144 145 146 147 148 149 150 151 152 153 154 155 156 157 158 159 160 161 162 163 164 165 166 167 168 169 170 171 172 173 174 175 176 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186 187 188 189 190 191 192 193 194 195 196 197 198 199 200 201 202 203 204 205 206 207 208 209 210 211 212 213 214 215 216 217 218 219 220 221 222 223 224 225 226 227 228 229 230 231 232 233 234 235 236 237 238 239 240 241 242 243 244 245 246 247 248 249 250 251 252 253 254 255 256 257 258 259 260 261 262 263 264 265 266 267 268 269 270 271 272 273 274 275 276 277 278 279 280 281 282 283 284 285 286 287 288 289 290 291 292 293 294 295 296 297 298 299 300 301 302 303 304 305 306 307 308 309 310 311 312 313 314 315 316 317 318 319 320 321 322 323 324 325 326 327 328 329 330 331 332 333 334 335 336 337 338 339 340 341 342 343 344 345 346 347 348 349 350 351 352 353 354 355 356 357 358 359 360 361 362 363 364 365 366 367 368 369 370 371 372 373 374 375 376 377 378 379 380 381 382 383 384 385 386 387 388 389 390 391 392 393 394 395 396 397 398 399 400 401 402 403 404 405 406 407 408 409 410 411 412 413 414 415 416 417 418 419 420 421 422 423 424 425 426 427 428 429 430 431 432 433 434 435 436 437 438 439 440 441 442 443 444 445 446 447 448 449 450 451 452 453 454 455 456 457 458 459 460 461 462 463 464 465 466 467 468 469 470 471 472 473 474 475 476 477 478 479 480 481 482 483 484 485 486 487 488 489 490 491 492 493 494 495 496 497 498 499 500 501 502 503 504 505 506 507 508 509 510 511 512 513 514 515 516 517 518 519 520 521 522 523 524 525 526 527 528 529 530 531 532 533 534 535 536 537 538 539 540 541 542 543 544 545 546 547 548 549 550 551 552 553 554 555 556 557 558 559 560 561 562 563 564 565 566 567 568 569 570 571 572 573 574 575 576 577 578 579 580 581 582 583 584 585 586 587 588 589 590
   
  About Me
Author: Dan's Blog
 
This blog is about...
This will include articles and comments on various International relations issues along with my... more
 
My: Profile  Gallery  Guestbook 
 
Bookmark   History

  Blogstream Sponsors
Have you checked out the new Blogstream site,

Question Stream.com?

Many Blogstream members are there already! Quotes from members: "It's like blog lite!" -- "I like the instant gratification!" -- "Stop spectating, get in the game!"

If you have not joined in, you are really missing out!

Send Free
Just Saying Hi
Greeting Cards
at

Greeting Cards.com


Good Morning


  Recent Posts

  Blogs I Like

  Archives

11732 Visitors